(From Historical Context and Progress to Local Realities:
Women’s Political Representation in Sudan)
By
Esraa Abdelmoneim Alraih
INTRODUCTION
Women’s political representation is a crucial aspect of achieving gender equality and fostering inclusive governance. Despite significant progress over the past few decades, women remain underrepresented in political offices and decision-making positions worldwide. This underrepresentation limits the diversity of perspectives in policymaking and hinders the development of policies that address the specific needs and concerns of women. Ensuring that women have equal opportunities to participate in political life not only upholds the principles of democracy and justice but also leads to more effective and equitable governance. By examining the barriers to women’s political participation and exploring strategies to enhance their representation, they can work towards a more inclusive and balanced political landscape that reflects the voices and interests of women and all citizens.
I. Historical Context and Progress
Historically, women have been excluded from political processes and decision-making roles. Over the past century, significant strides have been made, with many countries implementing policies and reforms to promote women’s political participation. For example, women’s suffrage movements in the early 20th century led to women gaining the right to vote and run for office in many countries.
Women were excluded from voting in ancient Greece and republican Rome, as well as in the few democracies that had emerged in Europe by the end of the 18th century. When the franchise was widened, as it was in the United Kingdom in 1832, women continued to be denied all voting rights. The question of women’s voting rights finally became an issue in the 19th century, and the struggle was particularly intense in Great Britain and the United States, but those countries were not the first to grant women the right to vote, at least not on a national basis. By the early years of the 20th century, women had won the right to vote in national elections in New Zealand (1893), Australia (1902), Australia (1902), Finland (1906), and Norway (1913). In Sweden and the United States they had voting rights in some local elections.
World War I and its aftermath speeded up the enfranchisement of women in the countries of Europe and elsewhere. In the period 1914-39, women in 28 additional countries acquired either equal voting rights with men or the right to vote in national elections. Those countries included Soviet Russia (1917); Canada, Germany, Austria, and Poland (1918); Czechoslovakia (1919); the United States and Hungary (1920); Great Britain (1918 and 1928); Burma (Myanmar: 1922); Ecuador (1929); South Africa (1930); Brazil, Uruguay, and Thailand (1932); Turkey and Cuba (1934); and the Philippines (1937). In a number of those countries, women were initially granted the right to vote in municipal or other local elections or perhaps in provincial elections; only later were they granted the right to vote in national elections.
Immediately after World War II, France, Italy, Romania, Yugoslavia, and China were added to the group. Full suffrage for women was introduced in India by the constitution in 1949; in Pakistan women received full voting rights in national elections in 1956. In another decade the total number of countries that had given women the right to vote reached more than 100, partly because nearly all countries that gained independence after World War II guaranteed equal voting rights to men and women in their constitutions. By 1971 Switzerland allowed women to vote in federal and most cantonal elections, and in 1973 women were granted full voting rights in Syria. The United Nations Convention on the Political Rights of Women, adopted in 1952, provides that “women shall be entitled to vote in all elections on equal terms with men, without any discrimination.” (1)
More recently, the adoption of gender quotas and other affirmative action measures has increased the number of women in parliaments and local government.
Global Examples
∙ Rwanda’s new constitution in 2003 introduced a 30 percent gender quota for all elected positions in government. This policy aimed to promote gender equality and increase women’s representation in decision-making roles. The mandate paved the way for significant reforms led by women parliamentarians such as equal access to land ownership and labor laws for equal pay. (2)
∙ Many Swedish political parties voluntarily implement gender quotas, leading to high levels of women’s representation in parliament without formal legal mandates.
Party quotas are adopted voluntarily by all the major parties. The Green Party is the first Swedish party that adopted a 50 percent quota for women on party lists using a zipper system (alternating men and women). With the help of this quota, the Green Party was able to attract many voters from other left-wing parties including the SAP. Feeling threatened by the loss of additional female votes, the left-wing parties, Liberal Party, SAP, and Left Party adopted zipper system quotas over time. Unlike these four parties, three parties with a conservative bent (Christian Democratic Party, Moderate Party, and Center Party) have adopted a ‘softer’ approach, either a recommendation or target. They target or recommend 40 or 50 percent women’s representation but the achievement of this target relies on the nomination committees in each party who determine the lists of candidate sat the final stage of candidate nomination.
As demonstrated in Table 2, women’s representation in the Riksdag increased rapidly from 1971 (14.0 percent) to 1980 (27.8 percent). This was possible as a result of the debate on increased democracy and the involvement of more women in politics (1967-1972), one of the first major debates on political representation in Sweden. A coalition of women’s groups inside political parties, called the Fredrick Bremer Association, consisting of the women’s groups from four different parties (the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party, the Centre Party, and the SAP), led the discussion. The debate resulted from political parties initial adoption of guidelines for women’s representation in parties and elected office (Sainsbury, 2001, 2005, p. 197). (3)
∙ India’s 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, which empowered local self-governments (Panchayati Raj Institutions) and reserved one-third of electoral seats in these bodies for women, has elevated women’s participation in rural governance. India is among the foremost countries for women’s participation in local governments, with over 1.45 million women shaping local decision-making. Women leaders are a critical link between local governance, sustainable development, and gender equality. However, across the country, their contributions to local governance remain undervalued. This paper assesses the evolution of women’s representation in local self-governments in rural India, and identifies the milestones achieved and persisting challenges to propose policy recommendations to further enhance women’s participation in local democratic governance structures. (4)
II. Women’s Political Representation in Sudan
The 2019 Sudanese Revolution marked a significant turning point for Sudan, resulting in the ousting of President Omar al-Bashir after nearly 30 years in power. This grassroots movement, driven by widespread discontent over economic hardships and political repression, saw millions of Sudanese, particularly youth and women, taking to the streets in peaceful protests. The revolution led to the establishment of a transitional government, composed of civilian and military leaders, aimed at steering the country towards democratic governance. Despite the challenges and complexities of the transitional period, the revolution is seen as a pivotal moment in Sudan’s history, offering a renewed hope for democracy and social justice. (5)
Women played a crucial and highly visible role in the revolution, throughout the country; women led the chants for freedom, justice and peace. Female demonstrators led the way in occupying the streets in the face of arrest, sexual assault, teargas, live bullets and harassment by security agents calling them prostitutes and worse. Even after security forces killed and raped peaceful protesters during the Khartoum massacre on 3 June 2019, women from a diversity of classes, generations, religions, educational levels and ethnicities have continued to protest. Especially young women were at the forefront. They protested in various ways; in the streets, through art and poetry, and social media. Many did so despite the fact that their parents and husbands forbade it. “My mother forbade me from participation in demonstration, but my brother supported me, and we go together”, says one female protestor. (6)
Despite the essential role of women in the Sudanese streets and demanding freedom, peace and justice, they were marginally represented in the negotiations stages. In the process of consolidating a transitional government, women have been sidelined but continue to demand their rightful inclusion into political decision-making bodies.
Although women have been largely excluded from the negotiation table, reform of discriminatory laws codified by the Islamist-military regime is a top priority in the August, 2019 Constitutional Declaration
which was the negotiated result between the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC). The FFC is the coalition representing the protestors consisting of labor unions, civil society organizations (including women’s organizations), political parties and neighborhood committees. According to the Declaration, one of the aims for the three-year transitional period is to “Repeal laws and provisions that restrict freedoms or that discriminate between citizens on the basis of gender. The declaration also promised women 40% representation in Sudan’s legislative assembly.
Two women were in the FFC negotiation team. One (Miriam Sadiq al-Mahdi) represented the Sudan Call Alliance in FFC, but she was replaced by a man during the first month of negotiations. The other young woman, Mervat Hamadaneel, represented civil society and struggled alone until end of the negotiations.
Female protesters and women’s rights activists were disenchanted by what is widely perceived as an attempt to sideline women from an important historical moment and opportunity for change. As one young women’s right activist say it in an interview with the authors (February, 2020); “We fought the revolution, but they just took our agenda and put in in the drawer.”
There were demonstrations outside the negotiation venue and several campaigns were launched on social media. Women protesters’ posters featured slogans illustrating their disappointment at being mere guests at the negotiating table: “You thank us in demonstrations and forget about us in negotiations”; “I am a 100% protesting female, but am outside the power structures”;
Women were excluded despite the fact that several women groups signed the Declaration of Freedom and Change, such as the Civil and Political Sudanese Coalition (MNSM) and the No to Oppression against Women Initiative, and are therefore recognized bodies within the FFC alliance.
If women’s rights activists and groups had been given more than one seat at the table, the declaration surely would have included stronger wording and clearer direction. A crucial demand on the women’s rights agenda is that Sudan should ratify the Convention against Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The Constitutional Declaration merely aims to repeal discriminatory laws. Given the chance women’s rights activists would have pushed for stronger protection against gender-based violence during the negotiations. This is currently sorely lacking in Sudan’s legal frameworks despite women’s demands for accountability and justice for sexual violence and attacks against women before, during and after the revolution. Also, women’s rights activists would have pushed for gender parity not only in the legislative assembly, but in all governing structures and policies in Sudan’s transitional government. Since they were mere guests at the negotiating table, they were not able to push for these demands.
Sudanese Women’s demand for 50/50
The efforts to curtail women’s political voices are, however, fueling post-revolutionary women’s activism embedding a diversity of claims to equal citizenship. Through MNSM, women tried to come together across divides to agree on a common agenda. Despite a fractionalized history and political tensions, they had been able to come out with a clear demand for 50% representation of women in decision-making structures within the transitional government. These demands are also supported by women’s organizations that have chosen to disengage from MNSM, like the Women’s Union and No to Women’s Oppression. In the words of women’s rights activist Asha Al-Karib women stand
united in the claim for political representation. She says in an interview with the authors (August, 2019)
“The current women’s movement in Sudan is strongly demanding equal participation in the upcoming period. To this end, women are gathering beyond borders of age, ethnicity, and religion to build in solidarity their agenda during this critical juncture of our history. The process for change has already started, but it will be full of challenges, and the road for women will be particularly rocky and tough”
MNSM Declaration
We, the women of Sudan, declare our solid unity in claiming our right to the enjoyment of our human right to political participation including through the temporary special measures, which for us can neither be negotiated nor compromised.
We, thereof, demand the following:
∙ The representation of women in all governmental institutions, executive bodies, legislative and the judiciary including at decision making with a percentage of not less than 50% as a temporary measure while giving due consideration to female youth.
∙ The representation of women must be subject to merit and required standards of competency (with due consideration to ethnicity, culture regional geographical representation including conflict affected states, and disability,) and in a manner that significantly contributes to the formation of a strong, integral and inclusive Sudanese Nation.
In an attempt to pre-empt the capability argument, a social media campaign was launched by young activists when Former Prime Minister Abdallah Hamdok was preparing to announce his cabinet. The campaign 50#qualified women# identified highly qualified Sudanese women living in the country or from the diaspora as nominees for political offices within the transitional government. Four out of the 14 ministers nominated by the Former prime minister are women who held the posts of Foreign Affairs, Labor and Social Development, Youth and Sports and Higher Education. In addition, Haider Ahmed Dafalla is appointed as the country’s current chief justice. Women’s representation in the current governance structure thus falls far below the demand of 50% parity. Yet, in a historical perspective it has more representation of women than any other. That was the first time that Sudan has a female minister of foreign affairs and a female chief justice. (7)
Conclusion
Increasing women’s political representation is not just a goal but a necessity for achieving true democracy and social justice. By addressing the barriers and implementing strategies to promote women’s participation, societies can build more inclusive, equitable, and effective political systems. This, in turn, will lead to better governance and improved outcomes for all citizens.
Resources:
(1) https://www.britannica.com/topic/woman-suffrage
(3) A Comparative Study of Electoral Gender Quotas in Sweden, Germany, and South Korea: Focusing on the Interplay of the Main Actors in the Processes of the Implementation of Quota Policies by Kyoung-Hee Moon, Kyung-Ock Chun, Mi-Sung Kim
(4) Elected Women Representatives in Local Rural Governments in India: Assessing the Impact and Challenges. Authors: Sunaina Kumar | Ambar Kumar Ghosh.
One Response
Insightful article